On average, CEOs of fast food restaurant chains make $25,000 every day. That’s more than twice what fast food workers who are given New York state’s minimum wage make in an entire year. In the same time that CEOs make $25,000, workers in their restaurants bring in just $56.

Fast Food Forward is paying attention. “While fast food corporations reap the benefits of record profits, workers are barely getting by – many are forced to be on public assistance despite having a job,” the organization observes. Fast Food Forward is doing more than just talking, though. The group is working to organize workers in fast food restaurants, bringing their voices together so that they can obtain an income that’s closer to what they deserve.

Don’t you think the CEOs can afford it?

The way that political candidates interact with their prospective constituents indicates a great deal about the way that they intend to use their power if elected. Those who have created a two-way dialogue with rank-and-file voters can be expected to retain some open communication with their constituents after the election. Those who depend mostly on television commercials and slick mailers will most likely remain aloof and out of touch once in office.

republican robot telephones invade upstate new yorkAnd those candidates who get into office through the use of robocalling…

…they can be expected to trample over the rights and interests of their constituents with the mechanical coldness of an army of invading robots.

Today, the Tipping Point super PAC proudly announced that it had begun a political campaign to support the congressional campaigns of upstate New York Republicans Maggie Brooks, Chris Gibson, and Nan Hayworth.

The Tipping Point campaign refuses to hire actual human beings to work. Apparently, the Tipping Point people don’t want to create jobs. Instead, Tipping Point has programmed robots to automatically dial phone numbers, and screech out pre-recorded political messages at people, then hang up on people before they have the chance to say anything in response.

This is not a joke. This is really happening, and it doesn’t reflect well on the congressional campaigns of Brooks, Hayworth and Gibson. On the contrary, these robocalls will merely remind voters that the Republican congressional candidates favor policies that reward corporations that cut American jobs in order to pinch pennies to suit the demands of wealthy investors.

Another day brings me more advertisements promoting the re-election of Republican Congressman Tom Reed. Today, an ad asserts that Tom Reed has demonstrated a spirit of bipartisanship in order to support legislation that will create jobs.

Is this claim true? Let’s look at Representative Reed’s actual legislative record from the last couple of years.

Tom Reed has refused to be bipartisan by giving his support to H.R. 336, the Interest Rate Reduction Act. The Interest Rate Reduction Act would refocus spending on actual consumer goods, creating manufacturing jobs. The bill would prohibit credit cards from charging people more than 15 percent. Instead of supporting the Interest Rate Reduction Act, Tom Reed has taken his stand with the big banks that are holding consumer spending back with the pointless drain of credit card debt.

One factor holding back many Americans from full time employment is the expensive cost of child care. Many working Americans have to pay almost all their wages to pay for the care and education of their children while they are at work. H.R. 555, the Universal Prekindergarten Act, would remedy this situation and create jobs in every community across the nation, by creating pre-K educational programs for all children. Tom Reed refused to support this jobs bill.

Why did Tom Reed oppose these bills? They were introduced by Democrats. That’s not a very bipartisan attitude. Contrary to what his paid advertisement suggests, Tom Reed has been partisan in opposing bills that would create jobs.

While the Democratic and Republican presidential candidates agree to agree on the issue of cutting taxes for megarich corporations, where does that leave populists (be they liberal, libertarian or conservative)? Out in the cold.

A third presidential candidate is out in the cold with us, and she’s not just getting mad. She’s organizing.

Jill Stein, the presidential nominee of the Green Party, is working with Occupy Kentucky, Occupy Wall Street and Money Out/Voters In to organize protests at the Vice Presidential Debate of October 11 in Danville, KY and the Presidential Debate of October 16 in Hempstead, NY.

In Kentucky, the message of the protest is the economic devastation facing America’s struggling workers and poor people if the Paul Ryan budget is enacted. Jill Stein knows that Joe Biden is too embedded in cushy DC Beltway culture to bring the issue up on Thursday night:

Occupy activists around Kentucky and Southern Ohio are organizing some really fun street theatre highlighting Paul Ryan’s devastating budget plan that would redistribute wealth upward from the poor and middle class to the wealthy. We aren’t counting on Joe Biden or the debate’s pre-approved moderator and format, tightly regulated by both campaigns, to bring up that issue – or any of the other issues we really want to hear more about.

We need as many people as possible to get our message out at the VP debate Thursday night.

In New York, they’re going to bring out the Big Bird Bloc:

The march will be joined by the Big Bird Bloc, an army of activists dressed as America’s favorite Sesame Street character, to protest the threat of cutting off aid for public media not beholden to corporate interests.

You may notice that I haven’t provided a link to the pages on which Occupy Kentucky, Occupy Wall Street, or Money Out/People In let the world know about these protests. I would if I could, but I can’t. Web pages and/or Facebook pages for these groups exist, but there’s no place on them in which these groups spread the word.

Jill Stein puts herself on the line at social movement protests around the United StatesWho’s spreading the word? Jill Stein is spreading the word. Stein has been doing this for months now, going from community to community and using her bully pulpit as a presidential candidate to drum up awareness of upcoming protests against corporate abuses or environmental devastation or civil liberties outrages. And then Stein shows up, and she puts her body right in the mix, and she shows Americans how to use the civil liberties we have left.

I have great admiration for the principles articulated in Jill Stein’s presidential campaign. I have even greater admiration for the way she is expending the political capital she’s been given.

No Impact For Congress

September 27th, 2012 | Posted by Peregrin Wood in Election 2012 | Greens - (0 Comments)

For one year, Colin Beavan and his family lived without electricity, without transportation by internal combustion engines, and without buying anything except food. As a result of this experiment, Beavan became known as No Impact Man, and founded the No Impact Project.

no impact man for congressNow, Colin Beavan is a candidate for Congress in the 8th congressional district of New York. The Beavan campaign’s platform includes the following items:

- A shift of spending away from the military and toward education
- Food stamps to be redeemed at farmers’ markets
- Action to confront climate change
- The removal of corporate money from electoral politics

Tom Reed, Fix Thyself

September 25th, 2012 | Posted by jclifford in Election 2012 | Politics | Republicans - (0 Comments)

An award for the Most Obtuse Campaign Advertisement goes out to Tom Reed, who is running for Congress in Western New York. The advertisement reads”

campaign advertisement 2012“Working to Fix Washington. Washington is Broken. Hardworking Taxpayers Deserve Honest Accountable Solutions. Join Our Team as We Work Together to Take Back Washington.”

There’s just one thing that Tom Reed’s advertisement doesn’t say: Tom Reed is not separate from Washington. He’s a part of it.

Tom Reed is a sitting member of Congress. In fact, he’s a Republican member of the U.S. House of Representatives, which is controlled by his own political party. Tom Reed is working to support the very same politics that are at the center of the Washington D.C. establishment, and have been for generations.

Tom Reed isn’t working to fix anything in Washington. He’s working to protect the old system from political reform.

Tom Reed is against fixing the system of special tax favors given to millionaires and billionaires that’s thwarting economic growth.
Tom Reed is against fixing the corrupt system of campaign finance that props up Washington elites.
Tom Reed is against fixing wasteful Pentagon spending.
Tom Reed is against fixing the industrial establishment that’s blocked action to confront climate change.
Tom Reed is against fixing the system of expensive and excessive Homeland Security bureaucracy that’s turned the United States of America into a big government surveillance state.
Tom Reed is against fixing America’s energy infrastructure, working to protect the big oil and coal interests instead.

Tom Reed is defending the status quo in Washington D.C. He’s had his chance to help fix things, but at every opportunity, Reed has thwarted genuine efforts at reform.

If voters really want to fix Washington, the best thing they can do is to vote to kick establishment politicians like Tom Reed out of office.

On the first page of the new book Independents Rising, author Jacqueline Salit offers a fair warning: the book is “based on my personal experiences, rather than dictated by a single illuminating and unifying idea.” Independents Rising is not a book about ideas or even about people who are pursuing an idea. It is a memoir about a tightly-knit group of people doggedly pursuing power outside the two big American parties, adopting and shedding party status, independent status, loyalties and ideology as needed to maintain or reclaim advantage. This group of people has taken various names over the decades (New Alliance Party, Reform Party, Committee for a Unified Independent Party, Independence Party of New York City and IndependentVoters.org among them), but has been consistently identifiable by the presence of Fred Newman, Lenora Fulani and Jacqueline Salit at the center of activities.

If you’re interested in hearing an inside perspective regarding the power struggles of this trio and their history of shifting alliances with other personalities over the decades, Independents Rising will not disappoint you. Indeed, the internet is already peppered with positive reviews by associates of the trio who have enjoyed Salit’s recollections. On the other hand, if you’re interested in a dispassionate, well-sourced account of Salit’s group, or of the many political independents operating outside Salit’s circle, you may be frustrated by this book.

In Independents Rising, Salit chronicles an effort that creates parties and co-opts parties in the name of people who are independent of parties. On the one hand we find Salit’s stance regarding the identity of independents and their interest in undoing the party system (page 2):

“Who are these independents? A profusion of polling, focus groups, and profiles are suddenly dedicated to answering that very question. This is where the literal reading comes in handy. As someone involved in organizing independents for 30 years, I would advise putting all of the ‘data’ to one side. Listen to the simplest, the most obvious statement independents are making. No interpretation, polling, or focus group is needed. They are Americans who don’t want to align with any political party.”

But on the other hand we consistently read in the book about efforts to create political parties: the New Alliance Party, the Reform Party, the Independence Party. Salit attempts to address this contradiction, quoting Fred Newman (p. 92): “We’re an antiparty party. We came into existence to fight the party system. We want to be put out of business.” But despite these calls the Newman-Salit-Fulani trio spent over three decades putting together parties and doing what parties do: staking out and defending turf.

The turf Salit and her colleagues have defended isn’t based on consistent ideas. The group began by identifying with left-based and populist politics in its rhetoric but has more recently formed alliances with a number of right-wing and elitist figures, including Tom Golisano, Pat Buchanan, Ross Perot, Michael Bloomberg and various local Republican candidates. The New York County and New York State Independence parties associated with the “Independents Rising,” while adopting the stance of fighting the two major political parties, have taken money from the two major political parties. So far this year, the New York Independence Party’s Chairman’s Club is littered with contributions from major party candidates for local office. We don’t know yet who they’ll endorse, but in 2010 the NYIP consistently endorsed major party candidates. In 2008 the NYIP endorsed Republican candidate for President John McCain, not an independent or third-party candidate. As Salit’s book documents, the New York Independence Party and the New York City Independence Party have had conflicts over endorsement decisions, but Salit’s current effort is still organized under the New York State Independence Party umbrella. This year, the Salit-controlled Manhattan faction has received contributions from major party candidates for Congress, including the decidedly non-left Republican State Senator Marty Goldman, who has offered his female constituents workshops on “Feminine Presence,” instructing them on how to “sit, stand and walk like a model” and “walk up and down a stair elegantly.” After getting a contribution from Eric Ulrich earlier this year, for instance, the Independence Party has endorsed Ulrich for re-election. Then there are the hundreds of thousands of dollars taken from Michael Bloomberg while the Party endorses Bloomberg. It appears that the pattern of the NY Independence Party is to take money and issue endorsements — which is not “independent” activity.

This recent information on the activities of the New York and New York City Independence Parties is not included in Salit’s book, but these party-connected activities do cast significant doubt on the veracity of what Salit writes in her book about the importance of independent politics. Rather than taking Salit’s book as literal truth, I encourage you to read her words closely, checking not only the factual accuracy of her assertions but also noticing the difference between what Salit might seems to be implying and what she is actually saying. On page XI, for instance, when Salit writes that “The New Alliance Party was deeply disliked by the Official Left,” ask yourself who this Official Left is and what official recognized it. When Salit writes on the same page that “In New York City, I served as manager for all three Bloomberg mayoral campaigns on the Independence Party line, in 2001, 2005, and 2009,” you have to notice the “on the Independence Party line” bit. For the Bloomberg campaign actually under the auspices of Michael Bloomberg, Patricia Harris was the campaign manager in 2001, Kevin Sheekey was the campaign manager in 2005, and Bradley Tusk was the campaign manager in 2009. When Salit describes Ron Paul as having an “independent presidential bid” in 1988 (page 4), you have to read a bit earlier to notice that he’s described as a “standard-bearer of the Libertarian Party” at the time. No, he wasn’t actually running as an “independent,” unless by “independent” you mean “third-party candidate”; Ron Paul ran in 1988 as the Libertarian Party nominee. Perhaps third-party-is-independent is what Salit means considering her long history of building alternative political parties while simultaneously talking about “independents rising” as people who don’t want to belong to any political party. In order for Salit to describe the Bloomberg campaign she participated in (page 86) as a “dynamic, bottom-up movement,” she must first sidestep the “personal fortune of some billions of dollars” that was involved, some of which was directed her way.

Is Jacqueline Salit lying? No, I wouldn’t say that. I’m actually confident she believes every word she writes — confidence is one of the qualities Salit radiates in her writing. It’s probably more accurate to say that Salit’s understanding of events and way of defining the world is unconventional. After reading Independents Rising, her understanding may become yours, but it’s probably a good idea to check other sources regarding the events in her book to get other — dare I say independent? — perspectives.


In a footnote to this review, I note for interested readers that Salit makes passing reference to Americans Elect and No Labels, two connected 501(c)(4) corporations that refuse to disclose their donors while adopting the mantle of “independent.” Despite having (p. 129-132) and making (p. 200) connections to Americans Elect and No Labels leaders Peter Ackerman and Douglas Schoen, Salit is sanguine about neither. Of Americans Elect, Salit writes (page 201):

“While it offers an alternative process to nominate a ticket, it has set up closely held mechanisms that allow its founders to control the nomination…. Given that the Americans Elect rules tightly control the authorization of potential candidates, it surely intends to rearrange things for the insiders, without giving very much at all to the outsiders, including the independents.”

Of No Labels, Salit writes of their 2011 plans to swing Olympia Snowe’s Senate nomination:

No Labels stumbled recently when it urged supporters in Maine who were registered independents to reregister as Republicans so they could vote for Senator Olympia Snowe in an upcoming Republican primary. The motive was that Snowe was a moderate, targeted by the Tea Party wing of the GOP, and No Labels should step in to protect those in government who practice bipartisanship. Catana Barnes, the leader of Independent Voters of Nevada, who heard the appeal, resigned her membership in No Labels as a result, telling organizers that under no circumstances should independents be asked to give up their independence.

Yesterday, a postcard wrapped in plastic arrived in my mailbox. It was from Congressman Tom Reed. Right above a photograph of Representative Reed was the sentence, within quotation marks: “Washington is broken.”

If Washington D.C. is broken, what does that say about Tom Reed? Tom Reed is a part of the politics of Washington. He’s a member of the majority party that controls the U.S. House of Representatives. With Reed’s Republicans in charge, the U.S. House has been riddled with corruption and partisan posturing. Tom Reed and his allies are part of the reason that Washington “is broken”.

Tom Reed certainly wants to fix Washington, but not in the way he’d like voters to believe. Congressman Reed has been working to fix the system to that he gains a personal economic benefit.

Unlike more than 99 percent of Americans, Tom Reed is a millionaire. He’s got huge amounts of money at his disposal, but he’s not satisfied. He wants more for himself. So, as a member of Congress, Tom Reed has been promoting legislation that will give millionaires like himself special loopholes, so that they have to contribute less. At the same time, Tom Reed’s economic plan will force working American families to pay more of the burden.

There’s a simple, old-fashioned word for the attitude that Tom Reed brings to Congress: Greed. The people of western New York don’t live in wealthy gated communities. They don’t drive expensive cars and go on extravagant vacations. They live simply, out of economic need, and their economic needs just aren’t being represented by Tom Reed.

That’s why we’ve created this bumper sticker against Tom Reed – to Stop Tom GReed.

against tom reed

… also see our related button against Tom Reed