Today, Senator Robert Menendez introduced the Syria Stabilization Act. It’s legislation that, if passed and signed into law, would address the problem of alleged chemical weapons use in the Syrian civil war by providing American money and weapons to groups accused of using chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war.

If you’re confused by this legislation, be proud. It’s a sign that you’re paying attention.

chemical warfareThere are allegations that the Syrian government has used chemical weapons in the civil war. It’s a serious allegation that deserves serious investigation. So far, no solid evidence to corroborate the allegations has been found.

There are also allegations that the rebels fighting against the Syrian government have used chemical weapons in the civil war. It’s a serious allegation that deserves serious investigation. So far, no solid evidence to corroborate the allegations has been found.

Senator Robert Menendez, assessing this situation, has decided that the United States should simply believe one set of allegations, while dismissing the other set of allegations, and provide money and weapons to the Syrian rebels, despite the unresolved accusations of chemical weapons use by them.

In a press release accompanying the Syria Stabilization Act, Menendez states, “The Assad regime has crossed a red line that forces us to consider all options. The greatest humanitarian crisis in the world is unfolding in and around Syria, and the U.S. must play a role in tipping the scales toward opposition groups and working to build a free Syria.”

He could just as easily have written, “The Syrian rebels have crossed a red line that forces us to consider all options. The greatest humanitarian crisis in the world is unfolding in and around Syria, and the U.S. must play a role in tipping the scales toward the Assad regime and working to build a free Syria.”

Anyone speaking on the need to arm the Syrian rebels, despite grave reservations about their goals and violent techniques of rebellion, needs to address the history of America’s rushed invasion of Iraq. Back in 2002 and 2003, Americans were assured that the Iraqi government had large stockpiles of chemical weapons that could be used against Europe, or even the United States. The chemical weapons turned out to be nothing but a hoax.

The stories of chemical weapons use were used by opponents of the Iraqi government who wanted to use the U.S. military to do the dirty work in a plan for seizing power in Baghdad for themselves. They came up with fake evidence, and the American military, and most of the American journalistic establishment, fell for the trick.

It’s possible that the Syrian government has used chemical weapons. However, it’s also possible that the allegations are lies, created by Syrian rebels who will say anything to get their hands on more money and weapons.

It’s possible that the Syrian rebels have used chemical weapons. However, it’s also possible that the allegations against them are lies, created by a Syrian government that will say anything to prevent the rebels from getting their hands on more money and weapons.

There’s a huge amount of doubt about claims of chemical weapons use in Syria right now. When there’s doubt about whether people can be trusted, the default position should be to NOT send them weapons and money. Apparently, Robert Menendez doesn’t seen things that way. So, we now have the Syria Stabilization Act to contend with.

While we’re on the subject I have to ask: What exactly would be stabilizing about the Syria Stabilization Act? Implicit in the arguments Senator Menendez makes in favor of this legislation is the idea that pouring more weapons into a country where there’s already considerable violence will solve the problem. That kind of idea is something that Menendez argued against as recently as April 17, when the Senator said in a speech to his colleagues, “not banning assault weapons is asking for more gun violence. And allowing larger clips with more fire power does nothing to end the violence. Do we honestly think it makes sense to allow someone – without a mandatory background check – to buy an assault weapon that can fire up to 13 rounds a second with something called a ‘bump-fire-stock?’ There is no need for that kind of fire power on the streets of America… there is no need for the same weapons to be on the streets of Newark, New Jersey or Newtown, Connecticut as they are in Baghdad, Kabul, or Peshawar, Pakistan.”

There Menendez was, suggesting that one of the serious problems in cities like Baghdad, Kabul and Peshawar is that there are too many guns. Not a month later, Menendez is arguing that Damascus, a city rocked by violent civil war even worse than that seen in Baghdad, Kabul, and Peshawar, needs more guns.

Senator Menendez needs to make up his mind: Does throwing guns at a problem make it better or not?

Greg Hittelman of the Conflict Awareness Project, writes that “The world’s weapons business is a kind of Wild West: law and order is not the rule, it’s the exception.” The unregulated flow of deadly weapons across international borders has encouraged the high rate of war between nations, civil war, terrorism, piracy, and other violent crime. Totalitarian regimes have relied on easy access to weaponry to intimidate dissidents and prevent political reforms.

The business of international arms trade is highly destructive, but it’s also highly profitable. The international Arms Trade Treaty to be completed by the United Nations this month will regulate the flow of weapons across international borders, diminishing the suffering caused by the unscrupulous governments and individuals who seek to purchase and use weaponry that isn’t manufactured in the countries where they live. The treaty won’t work, however, if large nations like the United States don’t participate.

A large group of Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives, are seeking to cripple the international Arms Trade Treaty by preventing American participation. This week, led by Pennsylvania Republican Mike Kelly, they introduced H. Con. Res. 23, legislation that calls upon Barack Obama to disable the Arms Trade Treaty by refusing to sign it.

The consequences of failure to ratify the international Arms Trade Treaty are clear. Deadly weapons will continue to be easily available to members of Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations, if the House Republicans have their way. These weapons will be used against American soldiers, and will help terrorists, dictators, and international criminal organizations to increase their power.

Why would anyone knowingly create such dangerous conditions?

international arms trade treatyThe House Republicans who have signed H. Con. Res. 23 are uncritically repeating the claims of the National Rifle Association that the Arms Trade Treaty somehow violates the second amendment rights of American citizens. These claims are without basis in fact, however, and have been proven to be without merit.

The International Arms Treaty explicitly recognizes that national legal systems for regulating weaponry will continue to have precedence over the treaty itself. Furthermore, under American law, no treaty can overrule the Constitution, which is always the supreme law of the land.

What’s more, though the second amendment establishes the right of people in the United States to keep and bear weapons, the second amendment does not establish the right of people or businesses in the United States to sell deadly weapons to foreign governments, criminals and terrorists. There is no constitutional right to profit from bloodshed.

Yet, that’s just what the House Republicans who support H. Con. Res. 23 are seeking to protect. They claim, in writing, that the need of international arms merchants to turn a profit must not be interfered with. H. Con. Res. 23 complains that the “Treaty risks imposing costly regulatory burdens on United States businesses, for example, by creating onerous reporting requirements “. However, the international Arms Trade Treaty would actually create no new regulatory reporting requirements. What would happen, if the Arms Trade Treaty were ratified by a large number of nations, including the United States, is that the ability of terrorists, dictators and criminal organizations to purchase American weapons would become severely reduced. That would, it’s true, dry up the international marketplace for deadly weapons. As a result, Americans weapons manufacturers would probably not enjoy the amount of profit that they have had in the past.

Most people recognize that diminished profits for the manufacturers of deadly weapons is a reasonable price to pay for a world with less crime, less terrorism, less despotism, and less war. The politicians who signed H. Con. Res 23, however, just don’t see things that way. So long as weapons manufacturers can profit, they prefer to keep the world in its current violent state.

Their motivation for protecting the economic interests of weapons manufacturers isn’t very abstract, either. Every single politician on the list below, of members of Congress who have signed H. Con. Res. 23, has been given money by the representatives of companies that manufacture deadly weapons for profit. They are willing to unleash deadly violence upon the world, in order to sustain their own individual appetite for corruption.

Politicians In Congress Who Want To Protect Terrorists’ Access To Deadly Weapons:

Rep. Mike Kelly (Republican-PA, District 3
Rep. Mark Amodei (Republican-NV, District 2)
Rep. Michele Bachmann (Republican-MN, District 6)
Rep. Lou Barletta (Republican-PA, District 11)
Rep. Joe Barton (Republican-TX, District 6)
Rep. Dan Benishek (Republican-MI, District 1)
Rep. Kerry Bentivolio (Republican-MI, District 11)
Rep. Gus Bilirakis (Republican-FL, District 12)
Rep. Rob Bishop (Republican-UT, District 1)
Rep. Marsha Blackburn (Republican-TN, District 7)
Rep. Charles Boustany (Republican-LA, District 3)
Rep. Kevin Brady (Republican-TX, District 8)
Rep. Jim Bridenstine (Republican-OK, District 1)
Rep. Mo Brooks (Republican-AL, District 5)
Rep. Paul Broun (Republican-GA, District 10)
Rep. Larry Bucshon (Republican-IN, District 8)
Rep. Michael Burgess (Republican-TX, District 26)
Rep. Ken Calvert (Republican-CA, District 42)
Rep. Shelley Capito (Republican-WV, District 2)
Rep. John Carter (Republican-TX, District 31)
Rep. Steve Chabot (Republican-OH, District 1)
Rep. K. Conaway (Republican-TX, District 11)
Rep. Tom Cotton (Republican-AR, District 4)
Rep. Eric Crawford (Republican-AR, District 1)
Rep. John Culberson (Republican-TX, District 7)
Rep. Steve Daines (Republican-MT, District 0)
Rep. Ron DeSantis (Republican-FL, District 6)
Rep. Scott DesJarlais (Republican-TN, District 4)
Rep. Jeff Duncan (Republican-SC, District 3)
Rep. John Duncan (Republican-TN, District 2)
Rep. Renee Ellmers (Republican-NC, District 2)
Rep. Blake Farenthold (Republican-TX, District 27)
Rep. Stephen Fincher (Republican-TN, District 8)
Rep. Charles Fleischmann (Republican-TN, District 3)
Rep. John Fleming (Republican-LA, District 4)
Rep. Bill Flores (Republican-TX, District 17)
Rep. J. Forbes (Republican-VA, District 4)
Rep. Trent Franks (Republican-AZ, District 8)
Rep. Cory Gardner (Republican-CO, District 4)
Rep. Scott Garrett (Republican-NJ, District 5)
Rep. Phil Gingrey (Republican-GA, District 11)
Rep. Louie Gohmert (Republican-TX, District 1)
Rep. Paul Gosar (Republican-AZ, District 4)
Rep. Sam Graves (Republican-MO, District 6)
Rep. Tim Griffin (Republican-AR, District 2)
Rep. H. Griffith (Republican-VA, District 9)
Rep. Andy Harris (Republican-MD, District 1)
Rep. Vicky Hartzler (Republican-MO, District 4)
Rep. George Holding (Republican-NC, District 13)
Rep. Tim Huelskamp (Republican-KS, District 1)
Rep. Bill Huizenga (Republican-MI, District 2)
Rep. Randy Hultgren (Republican-IL, District 14)
Rep. Duncan Hunter (Republican-CA, District 50)
Rep. Lynn Jenkins (Republican-KS, District 2)
Rep. Bill Johnson (Republican-OH, District 6)
Rep. Walter Jones (Republican-NC, District 3)
Rep. Jim Jordan (Republican-OH, District 4)
Rep. Steve King (Republican-IA, District 4)
Rep. John Kline (Republican-MN, District 2)
Rep. Doug LaMalfa (Republican-CA, District 1)
Rep. Doug Lamborn (Republican-CO, District 5)
Rep. James Lankford (Republican-OK, District 5)
Rep. Robert Latta (Republican-OH, District 5)
Rep. Billy Long (Republican-MO, District 7)
Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (Republican-MO, District 3)
Rep. Kenny Marchant (Republican-TX, District 24)
Rep. Tom Marino (Republican-PA, District 10)
Rep. Michael McCaul (Republican-TX, District 10)
Rep. Tom McClintock (Republican-CA, District 4)
Rep. David McKinley (Republican-WV, District 1)
Rep. Mark Meadows (Republican-NC, District 11)
Rep. Luke Messer (Republican-IN, District 6)
Rep. Michael Michaud (Democrat-ME, District 2)
Rep. Jeff Miller (Republican-FL, District 1)
Rep. Markwayne Mullin (Republican-OK, District 2)
Rep. Mick Mulvaney (Republican-SC, District 5)
Rep. Randy Neugebauer (Republican-TX, District 19)
Rep. Kristi Noem (Republican-SD, District 0)
Rep. Richard Nugent (Republican-FL, District 11)
Rep. Alan Nunnelee (Republican-MS, District 1)
Rep. Pete Olson (Republican-TX, District 22)
Rep. Steven Palazzo (Republican-MS, District 4)
Rep. Stevan Pearce (Republican-NM, District 2)
Rep. Scott Perry (Republican-PA, District 4)
Rep. Robert Pittenger (Republican-NC, District 9)
Rep. Ted Poe (Republican-TX, District 2)
Rep. Mike Pompeo (Republican-KS, District 4)
Rep. Bill Posey (Republican-FL, District 8)
Rep. Trey Radel (Republican-FL, District 19)
Rep. Nick Rahall (Democrat-WV, District 3)
Rep. Tom Reed (Republican-NY, District 23)
Rep. David Roe (Republican-TN, District 1)
Rep. Mike Rogers (Republican-AL, District 3)
Rep. Dennis Ross (Republican-FL, District 15)
Rep. Keith Rothfus (Republican-PA, District 12)
Rep. Matt Salmon (Republican-AZ, District 5)
Rep. Steve Scalise (Republican-LA, District 1)
Rep. David Schweikert (Republican-AZ, District 6)
Rep. Austin Scott (Republican-GA, District 8)
Rep. Pete Sessions (Republican-TX, District 32)
Rep. John Shimkus (Republican-IL, District 15)
Rep. Adrian Smith (Republican-NE, District 3)
Rep. Steve Southerland (Republican-FL, District 2)
Rep. Chris Stewart (Republican-UT, District 2)
Rep. Steve Stivers (Republican-OH, District 15)
Rep. Steve Stockman (Republican-TX, District 36)
Rep. Marlin Stutzman (Republican-IN, District 3)
Rep. Glenn Thompson (Republican-PA, District 5)
Rep. Mac Thornberry (Republican-TX, District 13)
Rep. Patrick Tiberi (Republican-OH, District 12)
Rep. Ann Wagner (Republican-MO, District 2)
Rep. Tim Walberg (Republican-MI, District 7)
Rep. Randy Weber (Republican-TX, District 14)
Rep. Brad Wenstrup (Republican-OH, District 2)
Rep. Lynn Westmoreland (Republican-GA, District 3)
Rep. Ed Whitfield (Republican-KY, District 1)
Rep. Joe Wilson (Republican-SC, District 2)
Rep. Robert Wittman (Republican-VA, District 1)
Rep. Steve Womack (Republican-AR, District 3)
Rep. Kevin Yoder (Republican-KS, District 3)
Rep. Ted Yoho (Republican-FL, District 3)
Rep. C. Young (Republican-FL, District 13)
Rep. Don Young (Republican-AK)

Steve Goose, arms director at Human Rights Watch, recently commented, “The United States needs to accept that the world has moved on and there is no longer a place for antipersonnel mines.” The occasion for this comment was the anniversary of the passage of the International Mine Ban Treaty, which prohibits the use, production and trade of land mines by the countries that have signed it.

land mine ban treatyThe treaty went into effect 14 years ago, when Bill Clinton was President, but in all that time no U.S. President has been willing to sign it. Congress has also refused to act. There currently is no bill in Congress that would make the manufacture, sale or use of land mines illegal.

Barack Obama has been playing coy with the issue of land mines. His administration began a review of the idea of signing the treaty four years ago. Three months ago, Obama promised that a decision on the matter would be “coming soon, but then, Obama makes promises very easily.

The issue really isn’t very complicated. Land mines are known to kill large numbers of civilians, and to stunt recovery from wartime hardship by keeping large areas of land off limits. Military strategy is shifting away from traditional battlefield thinking that made land mines a useful tool. There are no land mines being manufactured in the United States right now, so it’s not as if a land mine ban would put anyone out of a job.

So, why won’t President Obama just get out his pen and sign the Mine Ban Treaty?

Winner in 2012 Presidential Race: Drone Contractors

(Source | Source)

Later this year, the Republican National Convention at which Mitt Romney will be officially nominated will be held in Tampa, Florida. Given how unpopular Republican policies are, and given the new strength in the Occupy protest movement, it’s expected that many political demonstrations will be held outside the convention.

2012 republican national convention lawsIn order to prevent violence at the protests, local ordinances have been created that ban people in Tampa from carrying glass bottles, sticks, and toy water guns. However, people will be allowed to carry concealed guns – guns that fire real bullets. If you’re caught with a bottle of old-fashioned Coca-Cola, you could be thrown in jail, but if you pull a handgun out of a hidden holster, the police will leave you alone.

Bob Buckhorn, the mayor of Tampa, asked Florida Governor Rick Scott to create an exception, for downtown Tampa, to a statewide executive order that allows for the carrying of concealed guns. Rick Scott refused, writing to Buckhorn: “It is unclear how disarming law-abiding citizens would better protect them from the dangers and threats posed by those who would flout the law. It is at just such times that the constitutional right of self defense is most precious and must be protected from government overreach.”

Consider what Governor Scott is proposing as a plan for the GOP National Convention: When protesters start breaking the law, that’s when people secretly carrying guns should spring into action. Scott is suggesting that the protesters outside of the Republican National Convention this year may need to be shot, describing anti-Republican protests as just the sort of situation that concealed firearms are called for. The Governor isn’t merely stating that the second amendment must always apply, while hoping that no one brings a gun to the protests. He’s encouraging gun owners who don’t agree with the protests to arrive in response, ready to use their guns against the protesters.

An odd thing about Governor Scott’s letter is that, while he’s encouraging the use of guns against protesters, and demanding that the second amendment right to carry guns be protected, he doesn’t seem to care at all about whether other weapons are prohibited. The ordinance against sticks and glass bottles is in place because of concerns that they could be used as weapons. But, as weapons, they would be constitutionally protected objects.

The second amendment reads, “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” It does not mention guns specifically, but weapons as a general category. The idea of “arms” has always carried with it the inclusion of improvised devices of violence. People can be thought of as arming themselves with sticks and stones, with umbrellas, forks, chains, and all sorts of objects.

It seems quite clear that, if the second amendment does not apply only to militias, but to individuals as well, that it must protect the right of individuals to carry any object as a weapon. There’s no justification in the second amendment for giving guns a special protected status that no other weapon enjoys. So, if carrying guns at protests is to be given constitutional protection, so should carrying sticks and glass bottles.

Yet, Rick Scott won’t stand up for the right to bear weapons that aren’t guns. Why? Probably, it has something to do with the fact that there is no group of lobbyists and political action committees that give large amounts of money to political candidates who defend the right to carry sticks and glass bottles. Gun lobbyists, on the other hand, are quite powerful, and carry a lot of cash.

Even on the level of gun rights, though, Rick Scott and his Republican colleagues aren’t consistent. They support the right of citizens to show up and intimidate protesters with guns, but they won’t support the right of people to carry guns within the Republican National Convention itself. The Republicans have created a ban on carrying guns within the building where the Republican National Convention will take place – and Governor Rick Scott supports that ban on guns.

Why? If guns really make people more secure, rather than presenting a security risk, and if Republican really support the constitutional right to carry guns, why won’t they allow people attending the Convention to bring guns? Why won’t they encourage attendees to bring guns, to make Mitt Romney more safe? It looks like the Republican Party only wants to have guns around at other people’s events, not their own.

A few days ago, I shared with you the Top 5 federal contractors of 2010. Today let’s look at the top 10:

1. Lockheed Martin Corp.: $35,828,421,340.83 in contracts
2. Boeing: $19,486,294,255.83 in contracts
3. Northrop Grumman Corp.: $16,797,921,451.22 in contracts
4. General Dynamics Corp.: $15,249,055,811.75 in contracts
5. Raytheon: $15,245,234,506.52 in contracts
6. United Technologies Corp.: $7,721,459,648.98 in contracts
7. L-3 Communications Holdings: $7,445,106,575.43 in contracts
8. Oshkosh Corp.: $7,243,489,906.25 in contracts
9. SAIC: $6,796,280,361.66 in contracts
10. BAE Systems: $6,561,185,112.84 in contracts

Together, these ten corporations received $138.4 Billion in taxpayer funds through federal contracts during fiscal year 2010, 26.2% of all federal contract dollars received during the year.

Every one of these top ten contractors made their money off of military contracts. Yes, even the Oshkosh Corporation, which is not the OshKosh B’Gosh company you’re thinking of, but rather a supplier of parts for military vehicles. United Technologies is the parent company of Sikorsky Aircraft, which makes Black Hawk and other combat helicopters. L-3 Communications manufactures military surveillance system. SAIC designs the military’s information backbone. Behind BAE Systems’ obscure description of itself as “creating long-term sustainable value for all our stakeholders through leadership in our market segments” is a series of military contracts for electronics, infrastructure, intelligence, weapons systems and fighter aircraft.

In the first three months of 2011 alone, these ten corporations paid for the services of no fewer than 109 different lobbying firms, deployed to Capitol Hill along with their own in-house corporate lobbyists. More striking than the sheer number of lobbying firms hired on by the top ten military contractors is the overlap in which firms these contractors have hired.

Sociogram displaying the number of lobbying firms hired in common by the Top Ten Federal Military Contractors of 2010.  Data source: House Lobbying Disclosure

The above figure above is a sociogram displaying the network of overlapping lobbyist hires generated from lobbying disclosure data for the first quarter of 2011. A line is drawn between any two military contractors if they both hired the services of at least one lobbying firm in common; the number associated with each line indicates the number of lobbying firms hired in common.

As the figure shows, the sharing of lobbying firms by top military contractors is quite common. The density of the military contractor lobbying network is 80%; 36 out of the 45 possible pair bonds of shared lobbyists between these ten firms actually show up in the data. Raytheon and General Dynamics share at least one lobbying firm in common with every other one of the military contractors. Two pairs of military contractors are tied for the strongest lobbying bond: General Dynamics and Raytheon share seven lobbying firms in common, and General Dynamics and Northrop Grumman also share seven lobbying firms in common.

The following are the lobbying firms that have been hired in the first quarter of 2011 by more than one of the top 10 federal contractors:

Etherton and Associates, Inc.: hired by 6 of the top ten federal contractors
American Defense International: hired by 5 of the top ten
Podesta Group: hired by 5 of the top ten
Denny Miller Associates: hired by 4 of the top ten
PRASAM: hired by 4 of the top ten
Robison International: hired by 4 of the top ten
Baker Donelson Bearman Caldwell & Berkowitz: hired by 3 of the top ten
Ervin Technical Associates, Inc.: hired by 3 of the top ten
McBee Strategic Consulting: hired by 3 of the top ten
Richard L. Collins & Company, Inc.: hired by 3 of the top ten
Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld: hired by 2 of the top ten
Brachman, Marshall: hired by 2 of the top ten
Breaux Lott Leadership Group: hired by 2 of the top ten
C. Baker Consulting, Incorporated: hired by 2 of the top ten
Clark & Weinstock: hired by 2 of the top ten
Commonwealth Consulting Corporation: hired by 2 of the top ten
FifeStrategies, LLC: hired by 2 of the top ten
Innovative Federal Strategies: hired by 2 of the top ten
Monument Policy Group: hired by 2 of the top ten
Park Strategies Washington Group, LLC: hired by 2 of the top ten
RPI Group, Inc.: hired by 2 of the top ten
Stapleton & Associates, LLC: hired by 2 of the top ten
Van Scoyoc Associates: hired by 2 of the top ten

Tightly connected. Massively funded. Working for war. This is what the peace movements are up against.

The Top 5 Contractors receiving federal government funds in Fiscal Year 2010 were:

Lockheed Martin Corp.: $35,828,421,340.83 in contracts
Boeing: $19,486,294,255.83 in contracts
Northrop Grumman Corp.: $16,797,921,451.22 in contracts
General Dynamics Corp.: $15,249,055,811.75 in contracts
Raytheon: $15,245,234,506.52 in contracts

Together, these five corporations received $102.6 Billion in federal contracts during Fiscal Year 2010. 19.4% of all federal contracting dollars — nearly one in five — flowed to these five corporations.

In just the 1st Quarter of 2011, these five corporations hired the following sets of lobbyists to push for policies to their benefit, in addition to running their own lobbying operations in-house:


Lockheed Martin
AB Managaement Associates
Brachman, Marshall
Capital Concepts
Carliner Strategies LLC
Clark & Weinstock
Desmond, James
Edington, Peel & Associates, Inc.
Ervin Technical Associates, Inc.
Etherton and Associates, Inc.
Leach, David
LHD & Associates, Inc.
Lilly, Ralph Scott
ML Strategies
Monument Strategies, LLC
National Group LLP
Park Strategies Washington Group, LLC
Podesta Group LLP
Public Strategies Washington
Rey, Mark
Rose, Peter
Sonny Callahan and Associates
Squire Sanders Public Advocacy, LLC
The Cohen Group
The Walter Group
Van Scoyoc Associates
Venable LLP
Boeing
Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld
Cornerstone Government Affairs, LLC
Denny Miller Associates
Ernst & Young LLP (Washington Council Ernst & Young)
Etherton and Associates, Inc.
Gephardt Group Government Affairs
K&L Gates LLP
McBee Strategic Consulting
Monument Policy Group
Podesta Group
PriceWaterhouseCoopers
Stapleton & Associates, LLC
Washington2 Advocates
Northrop Grumman
American Defense International, Inc.
Breaux Lott Leadership Group
Carter Consulting, Inc.
Commenator & Associates, Ltd.
Commonwealth Consulting Corporation
Elmendorf Ryan
Ervin Technical Associates, Inc.
Federal Initiatives
FifeStrategies, LLC
Innovative Federal Strategies
Jones, Walker, Waechter, Poitevent, Carrere & Denegre
Kadesh & Associates, LLC
Mattoon & Associates, LLC
MD Ryan Associates
Ms. Diane O’Toole
Patton Boggs LLP
PAW and Associates
PRASAM
Richard L. Collins & Company, Inc.
The Livingston Group, LLC
Tucker, Patrick
General Dynamics
American Defense International, Inc.
Bergson & Company
C. Baker Consulting, Incorporated
Clark & Weinstock
Commonwealth Consulting Corporation
Congressional Strategies, LLC
Denny Miller Associates
Ervin Technical Associates, Inc.
Etherton and Associates, Inc.
FifeStrategies, LLC
Haake And Associates
Innovative Federal Strategies, LLC
McBee Strategic Consulting, LLC
Monument Policy Group, LLC
Nelson, Mullins, Riley & Scarborough
Podesta Group
PRASAM
Prime Policy Group
Richard L. Collins & Company, Inc.
Robison International, Inc.
Sheppard, Mullin, Richter & Hampton LLP
Sneed, Robert
The Gallagher Group, LLC
The Grossman Group, LLC
Turner Pollard Strategies, LLC
Williams and Jensen, PLLC

Raytheon
American Defense International, Inc.
Baker Botts L.L.P.
Baker Donelson Bearman Caldwell & Berkowitz
Balzano Associates, Inc.
Barbour Griffith & Rogers, LLC d/b/a BGR Government Affairs
Breaux Lott Leadership Group
C. Baker Consulting, Incorporated
Denny Miller Associates
DLA Piper LLP (US)
Etherton and Associates, Inc.
G.L. Merritt & Associates, Inc.
Innovative Federal Strategies, LLC
King & Spalding LLP
PRASAM
Richard L. Collins & Company, Inc.
RPI Group, Inc.
Thompson Advisory Group


Each of these is a military weapons manufacturer. Each has an interest in maintaining the money flow. Does this help explain why Washington DC is the way it is? Why the world is the way it is?

Why, when the military costs American taxpayers a huge amount, are Republicans fighting to cut spending on NPR instead? Our nation is the world’s largest center industry devoted to inventing and selling weapons capable of tremendous killing power. The corporations that form that industry have a great deal of money to spend, and translate that money into political influence.

refrigerator magnet for liberty against warPresident James Madison wrote, in Political Observations in 1795, that “Of all the enemies to public liberty war is, perhaps, the most to be dreaded because it comprises and develops the germ of every other.”

Profit from war has brought about economic dependence on war, which has birthed a love of war. That love of war has softened our affection for liberty, and has led to a decay of democratic values in the United States of America.

Some hoped that the United States would be an exemplar of freedom for the rest of the world. Instead, we are shipping out weapons used to intimidate, oppress, and kill.